{"id":8588,"date":"2026-11-04T13:23:58","date_gmt":"2026-11-04T10:23:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/?p=8588"},"modified":"2026-11-05T00:53:21","modified_gmt":"2026-11-04T21:53:21","slug":"fasizm-turkiye-ornegi-yontemsel-netlik-ve-liberal-yanilsamalarin-elestirisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/?p=8588","title":{"rendered":"TEKELC\u0130 SERMAYEN\u0130N \u0130HT\u0130YACI OLARAK FA\u015e\u0130ZM: T\u00fcrkiye \u00d6rne\u011fi, Y\u00f6ntemsel Netlik Ve Liberal Yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/h2>\n

T\u00fcrkiye’nin siyasal co\u011frafyas\u0131nda son yirmi y\u0131lda ya\u015fanan otoriterle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, liberal burjuva akademisi ve onun kuyru\u011funa tak\u0131lan sol liberalizm taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131kl\u0131kla “kural d\u0131\u015f\u0131”, “ar\u0131zi” ya da “tek bir liderin h\u0131rslar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 ge\u00e7ici bir kriz” olarak kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, siyasal rejimleri s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin nesnel yasalar\u0131ndan kopararak soyut bir “demokrasi-otoriterlik” ikili\u011fine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da, daha \u00f6nceki yaz\u0131larda fa\u015fizm ba\u011flam\u0131nda vurgulanan kimi noktalar, T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rne\u011finin \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7inde yeniden ve daha net bi\u00e7imde ele al\u0131nacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle y\u00f6ntemsel netlik ad\u0131na \u015funu yinelemek isterim: <\/span><\/span><\/span>Sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendi egemenlik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman soyut ahlaki veya hukuki normlar \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, tamamen i\u015flevsel, ara\u00e7sal ve ekonomik ihtiya\u00e7lar temelinde \u00f6rg\u00fctler.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> Bu ba\u011flamda fa\u015fizm; liberal demokrasinin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ya da sistemin bir “sapmas\u0131” de\u011fil, tekelci kapitalizmin yap\u0131sal t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmak, art\u0131-de\u011fer gasp\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n potansiyel direni\u015f odaklar\u0131n\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmak \u00fczere devreye sokulan <\/span><\/span><\/span>ola\u011fan, kurumsal bir burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bi\u00e7imidir<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZM\u0130N BONAPART\u0130ZMLE ANILMASI YANLI\u015eTIR<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Fa\u015fizmi Bonapartizm’e referansla a\u00e7\u0131klamak, yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zelinde de\u011fil, <\/span><\/span><\/span>genel olarak<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bonapartizm, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda tahlil edilmi\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 ask\u0131da kalm\u0131\u015f bir denge durumunu \u015fart ko\u015fan <\/span><\/span><\/span>d\u00f6nemsel ve \u00f6zg\u00fcl<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> bir olgudur. Fa\u015fizm ise b\u00f6yle bir dengeden de\u011fil, <\/span><\/span><\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ma\u011flup edildi\u011fi \u015fartlarda<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> do\u011far. Bu iki farkl\u0131 momenti tek bir kavramsal \u00e7izgiye yerle\u015ftirmek, fa\u015fizmin neden o anda ve o bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 de\u011fil, a\u00e7\u0131klamamay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu nedenle fa\u015fizmin Bonapartizm’den “evrilerek \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131” ve sonunda “yeniden ona d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” \u015fablonu k\u00fclliyen yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f, zorunlu ya da ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz de\u011fildir; fa\u015fizmin Bonapartizm’e ontolojik bir aidiyeti yoktur. Fa\u015fist rejimlerin zamanla kitle tabanlar\u0131n\u0131 yitirip b\u00fcrokratikle\u015fmesi, fa\u015fizmin \u00f6z\u00fcnde Bonapartist oldu\u011funu de\u011fil, kendi i\u00e7indeki bir deformasyonu g\u00f6sterir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan fa\u015fizm, hegemonyay\u0131 kaybetti\u011fi i\u00e7in de\u011fil, <\/span><\/span><\/span>hegemonyay\u0131 zor \u00fczerinden yeniden kurmak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> fa\u015fizmdir; klasik versiyonlar\u0131nda hegemonya zay\u0131flamam\u0131\u015f, tersine kitle mobilizasyonu, rit\u00fcel ve propaganda ayg\u0131tlar\u0131yla takviye edilmi\u015ftir. Bonapartizm kavram\u0131, ister istemez “denge” dilini analize soktu\u011fu i\u00e7in, fa\u015fizmin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesindeki o \u00f6zg\u00fcl yenilgi momentini bulan\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bu kavram, fa\u015fizmin yerine ikame edildi\u011finde <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00e7arp\u0131tma i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcr<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zelinde de durum budur. T\u00fcrkiye’de ne burjuvazinin siyasal iktidar\u0131 b\u00fcrokrasiye devredecek kadar bir zafiyeti s\u00f6z konusudur ne de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuvaziyi tehdit eden ama iktidar\u0131 alamayan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir dengesi vard\u0131r. Aksine, rejim, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yap\u0131sal ve tarihsel olarak geriletildi\u011fi bir zemin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye’de 12 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcn kurumsal miras\u0131, bu yenilginin \u00e7er\u00e7evesini olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ortada s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc bir hakem de\u011fil, finans kapitalin devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda kolonile\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir <\/span><\/span><\/span>fa\u015fizm tesisi s\u00fcreci<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> vard\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Burada da bir kavramsal netli\u011fe ihtiya\u00e7 var: <\/span><\/span><\/span>Rejim, ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 olan bir \u00f6zne de\u011fil, ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irildi\u011fi ayg\u0131tt\u0131r. \u0130htiya\u00e7 sahibi olan, i\u00e7erdeki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i finans kapitaldir.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> Rejimi ihtiya\u00e7 \u00f6znesi gibi kuran yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, ister istemez “tek adam” anlat\u0131s\u0131na kayar ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal analizi ki\u015fiselle\u015ftirir. Oysa fa\u015fizm tesisi, tek bir iradenin de\u011fil, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i finans kapitalin birikim ve bek\u00e2 ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

EMPERYAL\u0130ST HEGEMONYANIN S\u00d6NME S\u00dcREC\u0130 VE FA\u015e\u0130ZM\u0130N ULUSLARARASI BA\u011eLAMI<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye’deki fa\u015fist rejim, i\u00e7 dinamiklerin tek ba\u015f\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131klayamayaca\u011f\u0131 bir uluslararas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131n i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flam\u0131n belirleyici \u00f6zelli\u011fi, <\/span><\/span><\/span>emperyalist hegemonya sisteminin s\u00f6nme s\u00fcrecinin ivme kazanmas\u0131d\u0131r<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong>. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n sona ermesinden sonra emperyalist hegemonyan\u0131n elde etti\u011fi g\u00f6rece geni\u015f hareket alan\u0131 s\u00fcrekli daralmakta, hegemon ABD’nin rakiplerini evcille\u015ftirme, sisteme dahil etme ve d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenini kendi etraf\u0131nda ihya etme kapasitesi k\u00f6relmektedir. Bu durumda emperyalist sistem, kendi koydu\u011fu liberal demokratik kurum ve kurallar\u0131 ayak ba\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f; kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet ettikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde fa\u015fist veya otoriterle\u015fen rejimleri kollamaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Emperyalist k\u00fcreselle\u015fme s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde belirleyici bir akt\u00f6r olarak <\/span><\/span><\/span>uluslararas\u0131 finans kapital<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> devreye girmektedir. Devletler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki <\/span><\/span><\/span>g\u00f6reli \u00f6zerkli\u011finden<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> kaynaklanan bir kapasiteyle hareket eden uluslararas\u0131 finans kapital, emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri bast\u0131rabilme i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir. Ancak bu \u00f6zerklik mutlak de\u011fildir. K\u00fcreselle\u015fmi\u015f finans kapital, ulus-devletleri kendisine empoze etti\u011fi neoliberal programdan ayr\u0131lmamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in tehdit etmekte; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ulusal devletler de kendi egemenlik alanlar\u0131n\u0131 koruma refleksiyle hareket etmekte, talep d\u00fczenleyici \u00f6nlemlere y\u00f6nelebilmektedir. Bu gerilim, fa\u015fizmin uluslararas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131 anlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kritiktir: fa\u015fizm, bu gerilimin finans kapital lehine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesinin bir arac\u0131 olarak devreye sokulmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tekelci sermaye bu ba\u011flamda zaten i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i konumdad\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye’de yaln\u0131zca iktidar blo\u011fu de\u011fil, d\u00fczen muhalefetinin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc de emperyalist sistemin ve onun yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerinin denetimi alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. Muhalefetin vitrini zaman zaman yenilenmekte, ama ipleri ayn\u0131 elde kalmaktad\u0131r. Fa\u015fizmin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda yayg\u0131nla\u015fma e\u011filimi, T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rne\u011fini bir istisna olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p <\/span><\/span><\/span>emperyalist hegemonyan\u0131n s\u00f6nme s\u00fcrecinin genel bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> haline getirmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZM B\u0130R S\u00dcRE\u00c7T\u0130R: TES\u0130S, SINIRLAMA VE H\u0130ZALAMA<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Fa\u015fizm, yukar\u0131dan bir anda tamamlanm\u0131\u015f olarak inen bir rejim de\u011fildir. 2016’daki darbe giri\u015fimi sonras\u0131nda bu fa\u015fizm tesisi s\u00fcreci ilerletilmi\u015f, 2017 referandumuyla yeni rejimin hukuksal k\u0131l\u0131f\u0131 haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span>“Tesis s\u00fcreci”<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> vurgusu, fa\u015fizmin ad\u0131m ad\u0131m in\u015fa edilen, a\u015famal\u0131 bir kurumsalla\u015fma oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcrecin kritik bir aya\u011f\u0131, <\/span><\/span><\/span>muhalefeti ayn\u0131 hizaya getirme<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> dinami\u011fidir. Hizalanma s\u00fcreci, d\u00fczen muhalefetinin \u00fcst kadrolar\u0131 eliyle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f; muhalefet kendi hizas\u0131na \u00e7ekilerek, i\u015flevsizle\u015ftirilerek ve rejimin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fine katk\u0131 verir hale getirilerek fa\u015fizm tesisi s\u00fcrecine dahil edilmi\u015ftir. Yani fa\u015fizm yaln\u0131zca bask\u0131yla de\u011fil, muhalefeti hizalayarak da i\u015fler.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu hizalama dinami\u011fi, bug\u00fcn <\/span><\/span><\/span>toplumsal taban\u0131 daralan rejimin<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> yeni bir manevra alan\u0131 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birle\u015fmektedir. Bu rejim, tabi oldu\u011fu uluslararas\u0131 emperyalist ba\u011flam\u0131n talepleriyle, i\u00e7erdeki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i finans kapitalin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kesi\u015fme \u2014 ve gerekti\u011finde \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u2014 noktas\u0131nda hareket etmektedir. D\u0131\u015fsal talepler, i\u00e7sel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n belirleyici \u00e7er\u00e7evesidir; ama i\u00e7sel ihtiya\u00e7lar bu \u00e7er\u00e7evenin i\u00e7inde kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcl momentini korur. Rejim, i\u015fte bu terc\u00fcme noktas\u0131nda, yani d\u0131\u015fsal taleplerin i\u00e7sel ihtiya\u00e7lara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gerilimli alanda konumlan\u0131r. Bu noktada <\/span><\/span><\/span>bilindik CHP kitlesini b\u00f6lme, yal\u0131tma ve etkisizle\u015ftirme<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> stratejisi devreye sokulurken, <\/span><\/span><\/span>DEM Parti kitlesinin rejim yan\u0131nda tahkim edilmesi<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> hedeflenmektedir. Muhalif bas\u0131n\u00e7 kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131rken, rejimin manevra alan\u0131 geni\u015fletilmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

TEKELC\u0130 KAP\u0130TAL\u0130ZM VE S\u0130YASAL DEMOKRAS\u0130N\u0130N TASF\u0130YES\u0130<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Liberal demokrasi, serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizm d\u00f6neminin siyasal formuydu. Ancak emperyalizm ve tekelci kapitalizm devrinde, sermayenin devasa yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ve devletin ekonomik s\u00fcre\u00e7lere do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahale etme zorunlulu\u011fu, geni\u015f kitlelerin siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m kanallar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k tutmay\u0131 sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan “m\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcl” ve tehlikeli bir l\u00fcks haline getirmi\u015ftir. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda ise bir istisna ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, d\u00f6nem boyunca \u00f6zellikle emperyalist merkezlerde, liberal demokrasiye yeniden ihtiya\u00e7 duyulmu\u015ftur; zira Sovyet sisteminin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, emperyalist sistemi kendi emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 liberal demokratik kurumlar\u0131 bir me\u015fruiyet \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olarak ayakta tutmaya zorluyordu. Liberal demokrasinin tarihte en uzun s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00f6nem bu So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6nemiydi; ayn\u0131 zamanda en uzun s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f d\u00fcnya sava\u015fs\u0131z d\u00f6nem de buydu. Bunun nedeni, Sovyet sisteminin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Sovyetlerin tasfiyesi, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n sona ermesiyle bu ihtiya\u00e7 ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f, liberal demokrasi neoliberal emperyalist sistem i\u00e7in ayak ba\u011f\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye eksenli bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, devletin tekelci sermaye lehine s\u00fcrekli m\u00fcdahalede bulunmas\u0131 gerekir. Bu yo\u011fun m\u00fcdahale s\u00fcreci, sermayenin kendi i\u00e7indeki fraksiyon \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve tabandaki s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini keskinle\u015ftirir. Sermaye, bu kriz konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcnde ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu hareket yetene\u011fine ancak siyasal demokrasinin alan\u0131n\u0131 daraltarak, parlamentoyu nominalle\u015ftirerek ve kararnameler rejimini kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak ula\u015fabilir. <\/span><\/span><\/span>Fa\u015fizm, bu anlamda tekelci kapitalizmin kurumsal y\u00f6netim k\u0131lavuzudur.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZME KAR\u015eI M\u00dcCADELEN\u0130N STRATEJ\u0130 VE TAKT\u0130KLER\u0130<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tarihsel deneyim, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ittifaks\u0131z y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemeyece\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Ancak bu ittifak ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n <\/span><\/span><\/span>tabanda giderilmesi<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> gerekir. Partilerin anti-demokratik \u00fcst kadrolar\u0131yla ittifak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, fa\u015fizm tesisi s\u00fcrecinin hizalama dinami\u011fine eklemlenmekten ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 vermez; zira bu kadrolar, yukar\u0131da g\u00f6sterildi\u011fi gibi, rejimin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fine katk\u0131 verir hale getirilmi\u015flerdir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla anti-fa\u015fist ittifak, tepede de\u011fil, kitlelerin do\u011frudan ihtiya\u00e7 ve talepleri etraf\u0131nda tabanda kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu noktada Halk Cepheleri deneyiminin do\u011fru okunmas\u0131 gerekir. Halk Cepheleri, taktik olarak do\u011fru bir y\u00f6nelimdi ve bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadeleye \u00f6nemli katk\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Ancak sosyal demokrasinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal do\u011fas\u0131 nedeniyle bu cepheler s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir olmad\u0131; sosyal demokrasi, kendi s\u0131n\u0131fsal konumu gere\u011fi fa\u015fizmin tasfiyesini de\u011fil, onunla uzla\u015fmay\u0131 tercih etmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Halk Cephesi takti\u011finin olumlu yan\u0131 \u2014 geni\u015f kitleleri anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadeleye seferber etme kapasitesi \u2014 korunmal\u0131, ancak bu taktik sosyal demokrasinin \u00f6nderli\u011fine terk edilmemelidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130kinci kritik nokta, taleplerin niteli\u011fidir. <\/span><\/span><\/span>Do\u011frudan sosyalist taleplerle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmak, ittifakla\u015fma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde engel olabilir.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> Bu, sosyalist taleplerin terk edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelmez; tersine, taleplerin <\/span><\/span><\/span>sosyalizmin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselece\u011fi temeli geni\u015fletecek ve tahkim edecek \u015fekilde demokratik<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> olmas\u0131 gerekir. Ekmek, i\u015f, bar\u0131nma, \u00fccret, sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi talepler, hem kitlelerin ivedi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na yan\u0131t verir hem de m\u00fccadelenin toplumsal taban\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletir. Anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadelenin g\u00f6revi, bu temeli kitlelerin kendi ivedi talepleri \u00fczerinden in\u015fa etmek ve geni\u015fletmektir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede m\u00fccadelenin taktik ilkeleri \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlenebilir. <\/span><\/span><\/span>Birincisi, talepler somut, ivedi ve demokratik olmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> soyut sloganlar de\u011fil, kitlelerin g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131na dokunan ve ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyalizmin temelini geni\u015fleten talepler eksen al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u0130kincisi, ittifak tabanda kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> partilerin anti-demokratik \u00fcst kadrolar\u0131yla de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7iler, emek\u00e7iler, gen\u00e7ler, kad\u0131nlar ve ezilen t\u00fcm kesimlerle do\u011frudan ba\u011f kurulmal\u0131, Halk Cepheleri’nin olumlu miras\u0131 bu taban ittifak\u0131 i\u00e7inde yeniden \u00fcretilmelidir. <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imleri kitlelerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmelidir;<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> dar kadro eylemlerinden de\u011fil, kitlelerin kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fcklerini in\u015fa etti\u011fi bi\u00e7imlerden yana olunmal\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span>D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, hizalama dinami\u011fi k\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong> muhalefeti rejimin hizas\u0131na \u00e7eken mekanizmalar te\u015fhir edilmeli, kitlelerin bu mekanizmalardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareket edebilece\u011fi kanallar a\u00e7\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sosyal demokrasinin tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7teki kaypak ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i karakteri ak\u0131lda tutularak, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele asla burjuva muhalefet bloklar\u0131n\u0131n insaf\u0131na ihale edilemez. Ne Halk Cepheleri’nin olumlu miras\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn reddeden sekter bir \u00e7izgi ne de pratik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmayan soyut “Ayr\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fc birlikte vur” sloganlar\u0131 fa\u015fizmi geriletemez. Geriletmenin yolu, <\/span><\/span><\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ekonomik ve siyasal alanlar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftiren, kitlelerin ivedi ve demokratik talepleri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen, sosyalizmin temelini geni\u015fleten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir hat<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/strong>t\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

EMPERYAL\u0130ST SAVA\u015eLAR \u00c7A\u011eI VE FA\u015e\u0130ZM\u0130N GELECE\u011e\u0130<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tarihsel \u00f6rnekler, fa\u015fist ve fa\u015fizan rejimlerin k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin b\u00fcy\u00fck krizleriyle, pazar kavgalar\u0131yla ve sava\u015flarla y\u00fckselip yine bu krizlerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131mlarla \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc do\u011frulamaktad\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye’de ve b\u00f6lgede derinle\u015fen hegemonya krizleri, emperyalizmin b\u00f6lgeyi yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rma ihtiyac\u0131 ve tekelci sermayenin bek\u00e2 kayg\u0131lar\u0131, fa\u015fizmin kurumsal olarak tahkim edilmesini zorunlu k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 finans oligar\u015fisi \u015fu ana kadar do\u011frudan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sava\u015ftan ka\u00e7\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak fa\u015fizm ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseldi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda bunu daha ne kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilece\u011fi belirsizdir. T\u00fcrkiye’deki rejim, bu belirsizli\u011fin i\u00e7inde, emperyalist sistemin talepleriyle i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i finans kapitalin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kesi\u015fme noktas\u0131nda konumlanmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6zcesi, T\u00fcrkiye’deki rejimin karakteri “ge\u00e7ici bir sapma” de\u011fil, tekelci kapitalizmin emperyalist hegemonya krizi ko\u015fullar\u0131ndaki yap\u0131sal varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imidir. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm, eski parlamenter ill\u00fczyonlara d\u00f6nmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakta de\u011fil; fa\u015fizmin panzehiri olan, kitlelerin ivedi ve demokratik talepleri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen, tabanda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen ve sloganc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ka\u00e7mayan nesnel s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7izgisini in\u015fa etmektedir. Bu \u00e7izgi, uluslararas\u0131 finans kapitalin ve onun yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, emperyalist hegemonyan\u0131n s\u00f6nme s\u00fcrecinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7atlaklar\u0131 kendi lehine geni\u015fletme perspektifini benimsemek zorundad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrkiye’nin siyasal co\u011frafyas\u0131nda son yirmi y\u0131lda ya\u015fanan otoriterle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, liberal burjuva akademisi ve onun kuyru\u011funa tak\u0131lan sol liberalizm taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131kl\u0131kla “kural d\u0131\u015f\u0131”, “ar\u0131zi” ya da “tek bir liderin h\u0131rslar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 ge\u00e7ici bir kriz” olarak kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, siyasal rejimleri s\u0131n\u0131flar … Okumaya devam et →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":9,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[15,22,549,561,21],"class_list":["post-8588","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-yazilar","tag-akp","tag-fasizm","tag-finans-kapital","tag-rejim","tag-turkiye"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8588","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/9"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8588"}],"version-history":[{"count":11,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8588\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8599,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8588\/revisions\/8599"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8588"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8588"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8588"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}