<\/p>\n
Eyl\u00fcl 2026’da \u00c7in Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Xi Jinping\u2019in Washington\u2019a ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ikinci devlet ziyareti, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan “G2” (Group of Two \/ \u0130kili Grup) modelinin yerle\u015fik bir eksen olmaktan \u00e7ok, maddi zorunluluklar\u0131n dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 fiil\u00ee bir y\u00f6nelim aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir (1).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u0130lk yaz\u0131da (2) detaylar\u0131yla sergiledi\u011fim, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye klikleri ile tekelci devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki gerginli\u011fi rasyonel bir denge zeminine \u00e7ekme mecburiyeti, Washington\u2019da yeni bir evreye ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. May\u0131s ay\u0131ndaki bulu\u015fma, sert ticaret sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelik acil ve taktiksel bir ilk y\u00fczle\u015fme niteli\u011findeyken; Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131ndaki bu ikinci Beyaz Saray zirvesi, rekabetin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 ve kurallar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netilebilir bir kurumsal \u00e7er\u00e7eveye oturtma hamlesidir. Siyasi retorikteki t\u00fcm milliyet\u00e7i gerilimlere ve \u015fovenist korumac\u0131l\u0131k (“America First”) iddialar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, iki \u00fclkenin en tepedeki sermaye gruplar\u0131, k\u00fcresel kapitalist i\u015fleyi\u015fin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi ad\u0131na bu zirvede do\u011frudan k\u00fcresel etki alanlar\u0131n\u0131 ve yeni g\u00fcvenlik kriterlerini masaya yat\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u0130lk zirve ile bu ikinci a\u015fama aras\u0131ndaki en kurucu analitik fark, as\u0131l pazarl\u0131k nesnesinin niteli\u011finde sakl\u0131d\u0131r. May\u0131s zirvesinde kapitalist \u00fcretimin durma noktas\u0131na gelmesini engellemek i\u00e7in finansal ak\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n restorasyonu konu\u015fulurken, Washington\u2019da as\u0131l pazarl\u0131k konusu “zaman” olmu\u015ftur. Trump, Amerikan se\u00e7menine ve arkas\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck holdinglere g\u00f6sterebilece\u011fi h\u0131zl\u0131 ekonomik sonu\u00e7lara muhta\u00e7t\u0131r; tar\u0131m sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne yeni sipari\u015fler, enerji sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne pazar ve \u0130ran sava\u015f\u0131 t\u0131rman\u0131rken Pasifik\u2019te ikinci bir askeri cephenin a\u00e7\u0131lmamas\u0131 Washington’\u0131n acil \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u00c7in tekelci devlet kapitalizmi ise tam aksine zaman istemektedir. Kendi i\u00e7 ekonomik dengesizliklerini y\u00f6netebilmek, yar\u0131 iletkenlerde ve y\u00fcksek teknolojide d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 azaltmak, yapay zek\u00e2 ekosistemini tahkim etmek ve nadir toprak elementlerindeki tekelini mutlak bir stratejik avantaja d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in Pekin’in zamana ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu nesnel \u00e7\u0131karlar temelinde taraflar, 18 ay \u00f6nce kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 haneli g\u00fcmr\u00fck vergileri uygulayan bir sistemden, 30 milyar dolarl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 tarife indirimine ve ticaret ate\u015fkesinin Ocak 2027’ye kadar uzat\u0131lmas\u0131na dayanan ge\u00e7ici bir “G2 y\u00f6nelimi” \u00fcretmi\u015flerdir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zdaki tablo, ABD askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcne s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 yaslam\u0131\u015f uluslararas\u0131 finans kapital ile hen\u00fcz tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bir emperyalist odak olmamakla birlikte bu y\u00f6nde maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131 ba\u011fr\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131yan \u00c7in tekelci devlet kapitalizminin, kapitalizmin evrensel yasas\u0131 olan k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fme e\u011filimi ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 birikim krizine kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi k\u0131r\u0131lgan bir kriz y\u00f6netimi mekanizmas\u0131d\u0131r. Washington g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri k\u00fcresel imalat\u0131n merkezi ile k\u00fcresel finans\u0131n ve askeri kapasitenin merkezi, kapitalist art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimi ve bunun d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131nda realizasyonu bak\u0131m\u0131ndan birbirine g\u00f6bekten ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hegemonya, do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi payla\u015f\u0131lan ya da b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclen bir olgu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, bu hamleler emperyalist rekabet dinamiklerini ortadan kald\u0131ran kal\u0131c\u0131 bir pakt de\u011fil; mevcut kapitalist d\u00fcnya sistemi i\u00e7erisindeki g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin iki tekelci g\u00fc\u00e7 aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7ici olarak dengelenmesi ve krizin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkilerinin \u00e7evre co\u011frafyalara transfer edilmesi giri\u015fimidir (3).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u0130brahim Anla\u015fmalar\u0131ndan Mekke Mutabakat\u0131na: Trump\u2019\u0131n B\u00f6lge Politikas\u0131ndaki Kesintisiz Hat<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Trump\u2019\u0131n ilk ba\u015fkanl\u0131k d\u00f6neminde temelleri at\u0131lan \u0130brahim Anla\u015fmalar\u0131 (Abraham Accords), emperyalist medyan\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi diplomatik bir bar\u0131\u015f hamlesi de\u011fil; uluslararas\u0131 finans kapitalin b\u00f6lgedeki arkaik monar\u015filer ile siyonist sermaye oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (\u0130srail) \u0130ran\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 tek bir askeri-ekonomik cephede birle\u015ftirme stratejisidir. Trump\u2019\u0131n ikinci iktidar periyodunda da bu hat, kesintisiz bir devaml\u0131l\u0131kla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir. Nitekim b\u00f6lge monar\u015filerinin sars\u0131lan i\u00e7 me\u015fruiyetlerini tahkim etmek ve t\u0131rmanan \u0130ran sava\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda petrol monar\u015filerinin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini finansal ara\u00e7larla sat\u0131n almak \u00fczere son d\u00f6nemde g\u00fcndeme getirilen Mekke Antla\u015fmas\u0131 aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 da ayn\u0131 tekelci mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu antla\u015fmalar, petro-dolar rejiminin b\u00f6lgesel finansal ak\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumak ve Amerikan askeri \u00fcslerinin Ortado\u011fu’daki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek \u00fczere devreye sokulmu\u015f siyasal ara\u00e7lard\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Gerici i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i diplomasisinin “b\u00f6lgesel bar\u0131\u015f” ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda pazarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Mekke Antla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n \u0130srail’i hedef almas\u0131 nesnel olarak imkans\u0131zd\u0131r. Bu pakt, \u0130brahim Anla\u015fmalar\u0131’n\u0131n mant\u0131ksal bir devam\u0131 olarak, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya \u0130ran ve onunla birlikte hareket eden b\u00f6lgedeki diren\u00e7 odaklar\u0131n\u0131 ku\u015fatmak i\u00e7in kurgulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00f6rfez monar\u015fileri, H\u00fcrm\u00fcz Bo\u011faz\u0131 ve Basra K\u00f6rfezi’ndeki askeri asimetriden b\u00fcy\u00fck zarar g\u00f6rmektedir. Bu rejimlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, petro-dolar mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n kesintisiz i\u015flemesine ve elde ettikleri sermaye fazlas\u0131n\u0131n Wall Street finansal ara\u00e7lar\u0131nda de\u011ferlenmesine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Mekke’nin sembolik ve dinsel otoritesinin bu antla\u015fmaya zemin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ise tamamen ideolojik bir manivelad\u0131r; ama\u00e7, \u0130ran’\u0131 “ortak tehdit” ilan ederek i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i kapitalist ili\u015fkilerini perdelemektir (4).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u0130ran Sava\u015f\u0131 ve G2 Y\u00f6neliminin Jeopolitik \u00c7eli\u015fkileri<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Washington\u2019da belirginle\u015fen bu k\u0131r\u0131lgan g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesinin s\u0131nand\u0131\u011f\u0131 en s\u0131cak sahne, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz \u0130ran ile t\u0131rmand\u0131r\u0131lan sava\u015f ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki yeni askeri durumdur. ABD’yi arkas\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f uluslararas\u0131 finans kapital kendi yap\u0131sal krizini ertelemek ve petro-dolar rejiminin sars\u0131lan temellerini tahkim etmek ad\u0131na \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 askeri ve finansal bir cenderede s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. Ancak bu emperyalist tazyik, rasyonel d\u00fcnya ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Trump y\u00f6netiminin, Asya ittifak\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zme gayesiyle \u00c7in ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019a askeri-lojistik destek sunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki resm\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 da, \u00f6z\u00fcnde gerilimi kontrol edilebilir mecralarda tutma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n diplomatik bir yans\u0131mas\u0131ndan ibarettir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Ancak bu fiil\u00ee denge aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, \u0130ran sahas\u0131ndaki kriz dinamiklerini b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle s\u00f6n\u00fcmlendirememektedir. Kendisini yaln\u0131zca bir Do\u011fu Asya g\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, do\u011frudan karasal stratejisi olan bir Avrasya \u00fclkesi olarak g\u00f6ren \u00c7in tekelci devlet kapitalizminin, Basra K\u00f6rfezi ve H\u00fcrm\u00fcz Bo\u011faz\u0131 \u00fczerindeki enerji ve tedarik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 nedeniyle \u0130ran\u2019a y\u00f6nelik kurals\u0131z ve y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir Amerikan imha sava\u015f\u0131na r\u0131za g\u00f6stermesi olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu bo\u011faz\u0131n kilitlenmesi, Pekin’in ucuz \u00fcretim girdilerine indirilmi\u015f \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl bir darbe anlam\u0131na gelecektir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki mevcut sava\u015f senaryolar\u0131, emperyalist kliklerin mutlak egemenlik iddialar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; sermayenin ak\u0131\u015fkan dinami\u011fi ile askeri militarizmin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 d\u00fcrt\u00fcleri aras\u0131ndaki yap\u0131sal a\u00e7mazlar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131plak bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymaktad\u0131r (5)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u0130srail\u2019in Askeri Ta\u015feronlu\u011fu ve Yemen Sorununun S\u0131n\u0131fsal S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Mevcut k\u00fcresel ili\u015fkiler, \u0130srail\u2019in b\u00f6lgedeki askeri hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fcstlendi\u011fi ta\u015feronluk rol\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ortadan kald\u0131ran bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yor; aksine onu tekelci sermaye ili\u015fkilerine g\u00f6re yeniden ayarl\u0131yor. \u0130srail\u2019in b\u00f6lgesel imha ve geni\u015fleme politikalar\u0131, ABD\u2019nin H\u00fcrm\u00fcz Bo\u011faz\u0131 ve Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019deki enerji ticaret hatlar\u0131n\u0131 denetleme amac\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Ancak bu askeri bask\u0131, Yemen sorunu ve K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz ekseninde somutla\u015fan s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve lojistik s\u0131n\u0131rlara \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Yemen\u2019deki direni\u015f odaklar\u0131n\u0131n (Ensarullah) Bab\u00fclmendep Bo\u011faz\u0131 ve K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz ge\u00e7i\u015f koridoru \u00fczerinde kurdu\u011fu fiili askeri g\u00fc\u00e7, k\u00fcresel ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131 fel\u00e7 etme potansiyeline sahiptir (6). \u00c7in, Avrupa ve Asya pazarlar\u0131na giden ticaretinin K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz’de t\u0131kanmas\u0131n\u0131 istemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in, Washington\u2019daki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde Amerika\u2019n\u0131n Yemen sahas\u0131ndaki kontrols\u00fcz askeri planlar\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131r \u00e7izmi\u015ftir. Bu nesnel durum, emperyalist odaklar\u0131n \u00e7evre co\u011frafyalardaki krizleri istedikleri gibi y\u00f6netemediklerini, aksine \u00e7evredeki direni\u015fin k\u00fcresel denge aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 sahada zora soktu\u011funu kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Rusya Kart\u0131n\u0131n Yeniden Hesaplanmas\u0131 ve Ge\u00e7ici Uzla\u015fmalar\u0131n Diyalekti\u011fi<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Bu arada, Washington\u2019da y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen m\u00fczakereler, Rusya’n\u0131n karasal Avrasya’daki izolasyonunu daha da derinle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. ABD hegemonyas\u0131 ve y\u00fckselen \u00c7in kapitalizminin tedarik zincirleri ve ticaret kurallar\u0131 \u00fczerinde denge arama giri\u015fimleri, Moskova’n\u0131n Pekin nezdindeki hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 daraltmaktad\u0131r. Rusya, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Ukrayna sahas\u0131ndaki s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019e olan ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131rken; kendisini kurucu bir Avrasya \u00fclkesi olarak tan\u0131mlayan \u00c7in ise Washington ile kurdu\u011fu yeni dengeyi bozmayacak \u015fekilde Avrasya siyaseti izlemektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n B\u00f6lgesel dengelerdeki as\u0131l k\u0131r\u0131lma Suriye sahas\u0131nda ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Eski Esad Suriyesi art\u0131k mevcut denklemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. Suriye’de \u015eara y\u00f6netimi, bizzat ABD ve \u0130srail taraf\u0131ndan, Rusya ile antla\u015fma yap\u0131larak \u015eam’a atanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu hamle, Suriye’yi \u0130ran’\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki ve lojistik hatt\u0131 olmaktan b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Karasal emperyalist blokla\u015fma iddialar\u0131n\u0131n aksine, jeo-ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n askeri paktlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti\u011fini ve Rus sermaye kliklerinin bu yeni bas\u0131n\u00e7 alt\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu tasfiye s\u00fcreci net olarak g\u00f6stermektedir. Rusya, taktiksel d\u00fczeyde Ukrayna\u2019da mevzi kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fsa da, ekonomik olarak Pekin\u2019in \u00e7izdi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kamamaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Serinin ilk yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n sonunda s\u00f6ylediklerimi bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n sonunda da yineleyece\u011fim: Kendi i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini a\u015famayan hi\u00e7bir kapitalist ortakl\u0131k ya da uzla\u015fma kal\u0131c\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f \u00fcretemez. Washington\u2019daki bu son G2 manevralar\u0131 ve pazar payla\u015f\u0131m aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 da kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fim yasas\u0131 nedeniyle uzun vadeli bir istikrar sa\u011flamaktan uzakt\u0131r. S\u00fcre\u00e7, siyasi akt\u00f6rlerin ge\u00e7ici diplomatik a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131yla de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin nesnel yasalar\u0131yla ve elbette \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc pratikle y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc bulacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n NOTLAR:<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 1) Amerikan emperyalizminin \u00f6nde gelen jeostratejistlerinden Zbigniew Brzezinski, 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda Pekin\u2019e yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ziyarette ve sonras\u0131nda kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 analizlerinde “G2” (Group of Two) kavram\u0131n\u0131 resm\u00ee d\u00fczeyde ilk kez dillendiren akt\u00f6rlerden biri olmu\u015ftur (Bkz. Brzezinski, Z. “The Group of Two that Matters”, <\/span><\/span>Financial Times<\/span><\/span><\/em>, January 13, 2009). Brzezinski, ABD\u2019nin finansal-askeri g\u00fcc\u00fc ile \u00c7in\u2019in maddi imalat kapasitesinin d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ortakla\u015fa y\u00f6netmesi gerekti\u011fini (G2) ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bug\u00fcn 2026 y\u0131l\u0131 ger\u00e7ekli\u011finde, Brzezinski\u2019nin emperyalist hegemonyay\u0131 kurtarma ad\u0131na form\u00fcle etti\u011fi bu jeopolitik vizyon, yerle\u015fik bir pakt olmaktan ziyade taraflar\u0131n rasyonel zorunluluklar\u0131 nedeniyle fiil\u00ee bir y\u00f6nelim aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak hayata ge\u00e7irilmektedir. Eyl\u00fcl 2026\u2019daki Washington bulu\u015fmas\u0131, May\u0131s zirvesine k\u0131yasla bu y\u00f6nelimi kriz anlar\u0131nda ileti\u015fim kanallar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k tutma ve ticaret ate\u015fkesini Ocak 2027’ye kadar uzatma d\u00fczeyinde kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rma ad\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 2) 24 May\u0131s 2026 tarihli “ABD, \u00c7in, Rusya 1” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131mda ve 24 Eyl\u00fcl 2026 tarihli uyar\u0131larda da vurgulam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fum gibi; uluslararas\u0131 finans kapital a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00c7in imalat\u0131n ve reel ekonominin, ABD ise k\u00fcresel finansal ekonominin ve dolar hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n merkezidir. \u00c7in’in kendisini bir Avrasya \u00fclkesi olarak konumland\u0131ran tarihsel ve co\u011frafi stratejisi, onun d\u00fcnya kapitalist sisteminin maddi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemez. Siyasi akt\u00f6rlerin milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemleri, bu nesnel zincirin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na \u00e7arpt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anda yerini zorunlu olarak sermayenin ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ve pazar ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131na b\u0131rakmaktad\u0131r. May\u0131s zirvesinden farkl\u0131 olarak Washington, iki taraf\u0131n yap\u0131sal entegrasyonu tamamen koparmadan kontroll\u00fc bir rekabet\u00e7i bir arada varolu\u015f modeline ge\u00e7i\u015f \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 3) Bu noktada, krizin \u00e7evre co\u011frafyalara transfer edilmesi iddias\u0131n\u0131 soyut bir retorikten ar\u0131nd\u0131rmak ve somut maddi kan\u0131tlar\u0131yla ortaya koymak gerekir. Buradaki uzla\u015fma, iki \u00fclkenin gizli bir pakt imzalamas\u0131yla de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel de\u011fer yasas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7arklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nd\u00fcrme zorunluluklar\u0131yla i\u015flemektedir. Bu i\u015fleyi\u015fin ilk kan\u0131t\u0131, \u00c7in\u2019in i\u00e7eride biriken a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 imalat ve art\u0131-de\u011fer krizini d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya ta\u015f\u0131ma bi\u00e7imidir. “Bir Ku\u015fak Bir Yol” (BRI) giri\u015fimi, bu krizin etki alan\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7evreye yaymaya y\u00f6nelik somut kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7in; Afrika, Orta Asya ve Latin Amerika\u2019daki \u00e7evre \u00fclkeleri altyap\u0131 projeleriyle bor\u00e7land\u0131rarak kendi in\u015faat, \u00e7imento ve \u00e7elik tekellerine pazar a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. \u00c7evre \u00fclkelerin bor\u00e7 y\u00fck\u00fc alt\u0131nda ezilmesi ve stratejik limanlar\u0131n\u0131n, madenlerinin ipotek alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131, bu transfer mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk ampirik kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130kinci maddi kan\u0131t ise k\u00fcresel bor\u00e7 ve tahvil mekanizmas\u0131nda sakl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7in, kendi tekelci ihracat \u00e7arklar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fatabilmek i\u00e7in Amerikan bor\u00e7 sistemini fonlamak zorundad\u0131r. \u00c7in Merkez Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n elinde tuttu\u011fu yakla\u015f\u0131k 800 milyar dolarl\u0131k ABD tahvili, bu nesnel ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00f6stergesidir. \u00c7in ucuza \u00fcretti\u011fi mallar\u0131 ABD\u2019ye satmakta, kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 dolarlar\u0131 yeniden Amerikan finansal sistemine yat\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Amerikan finansal parazitli\u011fi ile \u00c7in imalat sanayisi bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc a\u011f\u0131nda fiilen el eledir. Bu uzla\u015fman\u0131n jeopolitik kan\u0131t\u0131 ise \u00c7in\u2019in Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki sessiz pratikleridir. Siyonist \u0130srail \u00e7evreyi askeri olarak imha ederken, \u00c7in bu y\u0131k\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 sessiz kalarak ticari koridorlar\u0131n\u0131n ve enerji ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrmesine odaklanmaktad\u0131r. ABD bor\u00e7 faturas\u0131 ve askeri militarizmle, \u00c7in ise bor\u00e7land\u0131rma mekanizmalar\u0131yla \u00e7evrenin kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 emmektedir; krizin transferi, faturan\u0131n \u00e7evre halklara kan ve yoksulluk olarak \u00f6detilmesidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 4) \u0130brahim Anla\u015fmalar\u0131, tekelci finans kapitalin Ortado\u011fu’daki pazar ve g\u00fcvenlik entegrasyonu projedir. Siyonist sermaye ile K\u00f6rfez sermayesinin (\u00f6zellikle BAE ve Suudi Arabistan kamu fonlar\u0131n\u0131n) yapay zek\u00e2, savunma sanayii ve lojistik alanlar\u0131nda kurdu\u011fu ortakl\u0131klar, emperyalist sistemin b\u00f6lgedeki egemenlik mimarisini “Arap-\u0130srail” \u00e7eli\u015fkisi \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, Wall Street Journal’\u0131n tabiriyle, “k\u00fcresel \u00e7\u0131karlara tabi b\u00f6lgesel bir konsorsiyum” \u00fczerinden yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctleme \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca Suudi liderli\u011finin koruyuculu\u011funda g\u00fcndeme getirilen Mekke Antla\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7leri de dinsel muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve kutsal mek\u00e2nlar\u0131n sembolik de\u011ferinin, emperyalist entegrasyon politikalar\u0131na tabandan r\u0131za \u00fcretmek \u00fczere ideolojik bir s\u00f6ylem olarak seferber edilmesidir. Ama\u00e7, \u0130ran sava\u015f\u0131 nedeniyle h\u0131rpalanan b\u00f6lgesel istikrar\u0131 teokratik bir \u015femsiye alt\u0131nda restore etmek ve finansal ak\u0131\u015f kanallar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvenceye almakt\u0131r. Bu noktada pakt\u0131n Suudi Arabistan, Pakistan ve T\u00fcrkiye gibi akt\u00f6rler \u00fczerinden \u015fekillendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan mezhepsel bir boyutu da mevcuttur; bu rejimler, kendi i\u00e7 krizlerini ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i karakterlerini \u00f6rtmek ad\u0131na tarihsel S\u00fcnni-\u0130slam eksenini harekete ge\u00e7irerek \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u015eii teokratik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve Yemen\u2019deki Zeydi\/\u015eii diren\u00e7 odaklar\u0131n\u0131 (Ensarullah) tamamen yal\u0131tmay\u0131 hedeflemektedir. Emperyalizm, b\u00f6lgedeki s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc ve kaynak talan\u0131n\u0131 gizlemek i\u00e7in bu mezhepsel fay hatlar\u0131n\u0131 kurumsal d\u00fczeyde tahkim etmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 5) H\u00fcrm\u00fcz Bo\u011faz\u0131 ve Basra K\u00f6rfezi eksenindeki askeri t\u0131rman\u0131\u015f, sermayenin ak\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 dinami\u011fine tabidir. \u00c7in\u2019in enerji ithalat\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fi ile ABD\u2019nin dolar hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 koruma arzusu aras\u0131ndaki denge, \u0130ran’a y\u00f6nelik topyek\u00fbn bir imha sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fcresel kapitalist pazar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kilitleme riskini do\u011furmas\u0131 sebebiyle, akt\u00f6rleri s\u00fcrekli olarak s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve kontroll\u00fc vekil sava\u015flar\u0131 senaryolar\u0131na mahk\u00fbm etmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 6) Yemen\u2019deki kentsel ve k\u0131rsal yoksul kitlelerin emperyalist ku\u015fatmaya kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi diren\u00e7, k\u00fcresel kapitalist ticaretin en duyarl\u0131 ge\u00e7i\u015f koridorlar\u0131ndan biri olan Bab\u00fclmendep Bo\u011faz\u0131\u2019n\u0131 lojistik bir baraja d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu durum, tekelci devletlerin askeri kapasitelerinin, co\u011frafi ve toplumsal diren\u00e7 dinamikleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 asimetrik yenilginin somut ekonomi-politik ampirik kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Eyl\u00fcl 2026’da \u00c7in Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Xi Jinping\u2019in Washington\u2019a ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ikinci devlet ziyareti, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan “G2” (Group of Two \/ \u0130kili Grup) modelinin yerle\u015fik bir eksen olmaktan \u00e7ok, maddi zorunluluklar\u0131n dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 fiil\u00ee bir y\u00f6nelim aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir (1). … Okumaya devam et
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