{"id":8551,"date":"2026-10-14T16:54:40","date_gmt":"2026-10-14T13:54:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/?p=8551"},"modified":"2026-10-15T02:38:07","modified_gmt":"2026-10-14T23:38:07","slug":"burjuva-diktatorlukleri-fasistlesirken-iv-hindistan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/?p=8551","title":{"rendered":"BURJUVA D\u0130KTAT\u00d6RL\u00dcKLER\u0130 FA\u015e\u0130STLE\u015e\u0130RKEN IV: H\u0130ND\u0130STAN"},"content":{"rendered":"

Siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin \u00fcstyap\u0131sal g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri ile onun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fsal maddi temeller aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f koptu\u011funda, kapitalist devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri kavramak da olanaks\u0131z hale gelir. Bug\u00fcn Hindistan\u2019da Narendra Modi ve BJP iktidar\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u015fekillenen rejimi anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken burjuva liberal sosyolojisinin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle esir ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 (belli bir s\u00fcre fa\u015fizmin yeni bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc anlam\u0131nda benim de yanl\u0131\u015f \u015fekilde kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131m) \u201cpop\u00fclizm\u201d, \u201cotokrasi\u201d ya da \u201cistibdat\u201d gibi kavramsal ara\u00e7lara ba\u015fvurmak, tam da bu teorik felcin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu mu\u011flak terimler, sanki ortada sermaye birikim rejiminin yap\u0131sal t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, salt dinsel bir cinnet hali ya da karizmatik bir liderin ki\u015fisel tasarruflar\u0131 varm\u0131\u015f ill\u00fczyonunu besler. Oysa marksist-leninist bir y\u00f6ntemin s\u00fczgecinden ge\u00e7irildi\u011finde Hindistan realitesi; burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn sermaye birikim modelini ve art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc kesintisiz k\u0131lmak ad\u0131na yap\u0131sal kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde devreye soktu\u011fu, bizzat sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na ayarl\u0131 kurumsal bir fa\u015fist y\u00f6netim modelidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Liberal anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lsamas\u0131, se\u00e7im mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n, parlamentonun ya da yarg\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesini fa\u015fizmin yoklu\u011funa kan\u0131t saymas\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz fa\u015fizmleri, liberal d\u00fczene d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelen ar\u0131zi birer kesinti de\u011fil; kurumlar\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel kabu\u011funu muhafaza edip i\u00e7ini s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve idari olarak bizzat b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re “yeniden senkronize ederek” i\u015fleyen yap\u0131sal ara\u00e7lard\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn Hindistan\u2019da y\u00fcksek yarg\u0131n\u0131n, se\u00e7im kurullar\u0131n\u0131n ve muazzam enformasyon a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutan tekelci medyan\u0131n hukuken ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, onlar\u0131n fiilen \u00e7\u0131plak birer egemen s\u0131n\u0131f sopas\u0131 haline getirildi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fini \u00f6rtmez.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte bu noktada, rejimin resmi ideolojik yak\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan Hindutva (Hindu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\/\u015fovenizmi), burjuva akademisinin iddia etti\u011fi gibi basit bir “k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimlik siyaseti” ya da teolojik bir sapma olarak ele al\u0131namaz (Buna iyi bir \u00f6rnek, 2023’te Princeton Universitesi yay\u0131nlar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kan Weberci liberal sosyolojiden etkilenmi\u015f C.Jaffrelot ve C.Schoch yazarlar\u0131na ait <\/span><\/span>Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy<\/span><\/span><\/em> adl\u0131 kitap olabilir mesela). Aksine Hindutva; neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin deflasyonist krizine ve daralan pazar ko\u015fullar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 yerli burjuvazinin devreye soktu\u011fu bilin\u00e7li ve ayarl\u0131 bir hegemonya stratejisidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu strateji, i\u015flevsel karakteri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki egemen s\u0131n\u0131f bloklar\u0131n\u0131n kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde (\u00f6zellikle 12 Eyl\u00fcl kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 ve sonras\u0131nda) tahkim etti\u011fi T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam senteziyle g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir paralellik sunar. Her iki ideolojik s\u00f6ylem de \u00f6z\u00fcnde dinsel ve milliyet\u00e7i kodlar\u0131n harmanlanmas\u0131yla; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc ve m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme dalgas\u0131n\u0131 buland\u0131rmak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n nesnel birli\u011fini engellemek ve tekelci boyunduruk ili\u015fkisini rasyonalize etmek \u00fczere ideolojik devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla dola\u015f\u0131ma sokulmu\u015ftur.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Maddi yeniden \u00fcretim kanallar\u0131yla r\u0131za \u00fcretemeyen burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc; kitleleri sahte t\u00fcketim a\u011flar\u0131yla atomize etmek, bu atomizasyonun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 cinneti, g\u00fcvencesizli\u011fi ve yoksullu\u011fu ise (Hindistan’da) M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve kast eksenli bu \u015fovenist ideolojiyle \u2014ya da T\u00fcrkiye somutundaki S\u00fcnni \u0130slamc\u0131 vurgular\u0131yla birlikte yerli-milli kutupla\u015ft\u0131rma cenderesiyle\u2014 hizalayarak perdelemek zorundad\u0131r. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n Hindutva temelinde y\u00fckselen bu fa\u015fist d\u00fczenle kurdu\u011fu ba\u011f soyut bir fikir birli\u011fi de\u011fil, hayatta kalma kanallar\u0131 ve cemaat a\u011flar\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen somut bir maddi ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisidir.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Burada, marksist-leninist ara\u00e7sal y\u00f6ntem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kurucu bir netli\u011fi ilan etmek gerekir: Fa\u015fizm, liberal burjuva akademisinin iddia etti\u011fi gibi kural d\u0131\u015f\u0131, ar\u0131zi ya da ge\u00e7ici bir “ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc kriz rejimi” de\u011fildir. Sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendi egemenlik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman soyut ahlaki normlar \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, tamamen i\u015flevsel ve ara\u00e7sal ihtiya\u00e7lar temelinde \u00f6rg\u00fctler. <\/span><\/span>Bu nesnel a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda fa\u015fizm; t\u0131pk\u0131 liberal demokrasi gibi, belli tarihsel \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda tekelci sermayenin egemenli\u011fini g\u00fcvenceye almak, art\u0131-de\u011fer gasp\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini zapt etmek i\u00e7in devreye sokulan <\/span><\/span>ola\u011fan ve kurumsal bir bask\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc arac\u0131d\u0131r<\/span><\/span>.<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Fa\u015fizmi di\u011fer burjuva otoriter rejimlerden ve bonapartizmlerden ay\u0131ran \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct de tam bu ara\u00e7sal ve yap\u0131sal niteli\u011finde sakl\u0131d\u0131r. Di\u011fer otoriter rejimler, kriz anlar\u0131nda siyasal alan\u0131 kapatarak ve toplumu sadece pasifize etmeye odaklanarak sermaye birikiminin ola\u011fan i\u015fleyi\u015fini korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ar\u0131zi idari mekanizmalarken; fa\u015fizm, klasik \u00f6rneklerinde liberal demokratik devleti ortadan kald\u0131ran, yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, kitleleri \u015fovenist ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar etraf\u0131nda aktif olarak organize edip harekete ge\u00e7iren, tekelci sermayenin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na kitle s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn kal\u0131c\u0131 olarak d\u00fczenlendi\u011fi kurumsal bir devlet bi\u00e7imidir. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz fa\u015fizmleri, farkl\u0131 olarak, liberal demokratik burjuva devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n yasama, y\u00fcr\u00fctme ve yarg\u0131 kabuklar\u0131n\u0131 muhafaza ederek, devleti do\u011frudan tekelci sermayenin kurumsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, kaynak aktarma ve idari d\u00fczenleme merkezine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr.\u00dcstelik bu g\u00fcncel fa\u015fist kurumsalla\u015fma, b\u00fcnyesinde anlaml\u0131 bir paradoksu bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r: Rejim, kitlelere Hindutva veya benzeri \u015foven ideolojileri en azg\u0131n bi\u00e7imde empoze etse de, klasik \u00f6rneklerin aksine, kitlelerin kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na inisiyatif almalar\u0131na ve soka\u011f\u0131 kontrols\u00fczce zapt etmelerine asla izin vermez. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130deolojik ayg\u0131tlar kitleyi harekete ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil; aksine, onlar\u0131 bu \u015fovenist histeriyle s\u0131n\u0131fsal olarak fel\u00e7 etmek, atomize etmek, pervas\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda r\u0131za \u00fcreterek pasifize etmek i\u00e7in seferber edilir. Bu anlamda dinci versiyonlar\u0131 da dahil olmak \u00fczere \u015fovenizm, kitlelerin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc inisiyatifini bo\u011fan, onlar\u0131 bask\u0131layan idari bir uyu\u015fturucu i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu fa\u015fist kurumsalla\u015fman\u0131n iktisadi motorunu kavramak i\u00e7in, Tekelci Devlet Kapitalizminin (TDK) 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l zay\u0131f halkalar\u0131nda b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00fcncel ve vah\u015fi bi\u00e7imine bakmak elzemdir. TDK, kimi eski marksist anlat\u0131lar\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi salt bir “devlet m\u00fclkiyeti” ya da fabrikalara ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na devletin bizzat sahip olmas\u0131 sorunu de\u011fildir. Aksine TDK; yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f sermayenin devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131yla kurdu\u011fu yap\u0131sal b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenen bir kontrol, kaynaklar\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirme, art\u0131-de\u011feri kanalize etme ve kamusal-toplumsal fonlar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekellere aktarma mekanizmas\u0131d\u0131r. Devlet; burjuva anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir hakem maskesi takma ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 dahi bir kenara b\u0131rakarak, b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelci sermayenin ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretim ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 <\/span><\/span>yasal, mali ve gerekti\u011finde cebri ara\u00e7larla <\/strong>bizzat \u00f6rg\u00fctleyen ba\u015fat bir idari ayg\u0131ta d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n

Bu kuramsal i\u00e7erik, d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemi i\u00e7erisindeki konumlar\u0131na ve tarihsel formasyonlar\u0131na g\u00f6re farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerde \u00f6zg\u00fcl bi\u00e7imler kazanmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in somutunda TDK, devletin enerji, finans, a\u011f\u0131r sanayi ve y\u00fcksek teknoloji gibi stratejik alanlarda do\u011frudan m\u00fclkiyet sahibi olmas\u0131 ve parti-devlet mekanizmas\u0131 eliyle yat\u0131r\u0131m kararlar\u0131n\u0131 bizzat kumanda etmesiyle kristalle\u015fir. Buradaki \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fck, devletin kapitalist birikimin genel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 tepeden tam bir kontrolle \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k burjuva m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerinin klasik bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve hatta pervas\u0131z bir \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme dalgas\u0131n\u0131n uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Hindistan ve T\u00fcrkiye gibi g\u00f6rece zay\u0131f halkalarda ise TDK, m\u00fclkiyet kabu\u011funun alt\u0131nda \u00e7ok daha vah\u015fi ve \u00e7\u0131plak bir kaynak aktar\u0131m mekanizmas\u0131 olarak i\u015flemektedir. Radhika Desai\u2019nin Rohit Varman edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde \u00e7\u0131kan <\/span><\/span>The Politics of Corporations in ‘New’ India<\/span><\/span><\/em> derlemesindeki “Fascism Perfected: The Corporate Stage of Hindutva” makalesinde ampirik olarak sergiledi\u011fi \u00fczere (1); b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin (Adani ve Ambani gibi tekelci dev \u015firketler grubunun) Modi eliyle kurdu\u011fu fa\u015fist tahkimat, do\u011frudan devlet destekli ihale, altyap\u0131 imtiyaz\u0131 ve kaynak tahsisatlar\u0131yla \u015fekillenmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Hindistan\u2019da limanlar\u0131n, havayollar\u0131n\u0131n ve enerji sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn bu yolla oligopolistik olarak kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 ne ise; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de altyap\u0131, in\u015faat ve maden sekt\u00f6rlerinin adrese teslim ihalelerle bizzat devlet eliyle belirli holdinglere tahsis edilmesi ayn\u0131 nesnel TDK yasas\u0131na tabidir. Her iki \u00fclkede de devlet m\u00fclk sahibi olarak de\u011fil; kamu bankalar\u0131n\u0131n kredi mekanizmalar\u0131yla tekellerin risklerini ve bat\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kamula\u015ft\u0131ran, vergileri tabana yayarak toplanan kamu kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda monopollerin kasas\u0131na aktaran kurucu bir da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m merkezidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00dcstelik \u00fcstyap\u0131da Hindutva veya T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam (Burada PKK \u00f6nderli\u011findeki K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin ilk d\u00f6nemlerinden itibaren S\u00fcnni \u0130slam \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenen K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn de bu ideolojik s\u00f6ylem taraf\u0131ndan absorbe edildi\u011fini, bug\u00fcn bunun \u00e7ok daha net g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ge\u00e7erken belirtmek gerekir) \u015fovenizminin azg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, altyap\u0131daki bu b\u00fcy\u00fck talan\u0131n emek\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan idrak edilmesini \u00f6nleyen bir sis bombas\u0131 i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir. \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n (Hindistan’da %90\u2019a yak\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n) kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu emek yap\u0131s\u0131nda grevlerin “milli g\u00fcvenlik” gerek\u00e7esiyle ertelenmesi, devletin bu aktar\u0131m, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve ideolojik hegemonya zincirini korumak i\u00e7in \u00e7\u0131plak bir zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak devreye girmesinin en somut kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00dcstelik bu fa\u015fistle\u015fme e\u011filimi, yerel bir i\u00e7 siyaset patolojisi de\u011fildir; aksine k\u00fcresel emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m kavgas\u0131n\u0131n ve hegemonya krizinin do\u011frudan bir sonucudur. Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fan finans kapitalin zay\u0131f halkalarda fa\u015fist tahkimatlar\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu tarihsel e\u015fikte, jeo-ekonomi-politik kayg\u0131lar bu rejimleri do\u011frudan te\u015fvik etmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Prabhat Patnaik\u2019in neoliberalizm ile fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki yap\u0131sal ba\u011f\u0131 de\u015fifre eden kurucu ekonomi-politik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerine (2) paralel olarak; k\u00fcresel finans kapitalin mutlak tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc ulusal devletlerin geni\u015flemeci harcamalar yapmas\u0131n\u0131 tamamen engelledi\u011finden, sermaye d\u00fczeni neoliberal t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kitlelerin ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011funu a\u015fabilmek i\u00e7in fa\u015fist hareketlerin \u015fovenizmine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Anglo-Amerikan jeopoliti\u011finin \u00c7in ve Rusya’y\u0131 \u00e7evreleme stratejisinde Hindistan\u2019a bi\u00e7ti\u011fi “vazge\u00e7ilmez uydu” rol\u00fc, i\u00e7erideki Hindutva barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte mutlak bir icazet alan\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ukrayna, Kafkasya ve Ortado\u011fu denklemlerinde \u00fcstlendi\u011fi uydula\u015fm\u0131\u015f askeri-politik roller kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist odaklardan i\u00e7erideki ceberutlu\u011fu i\u00e7in me\u015fruiyet dev\u015firmesi gibi; emperyalist merkezler kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 u\u011fruna bu fa\u015fist kurumsalla\u015fmalar\u0131 istikrar ad\u0131na desteklemektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Modi ve Erdo\u011fan gibi siyasal fig\u00fcrlerin iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131n uzun s\u00fcrmesi ve kolay denebilecek \u015fekilde s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde fa\u015fizme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, uluslararas\u0131 finans kapitalin<\/strong> k\u00fcresel birikim stratejilerine ve ak\u0131\u015f kanallar\u0131na eklemlenmeleri, bu geni\u015f k\u00fcreselci jeo-ekonomi-politik \u00e7\u0131karlarla yap\u0131sal uyum sa\u011flamalar\u0131 sayesinde olanakl\u0131 olabilmi\u015ftir. Benzer bir k\u00fcresel entegrasyon ve uyum hatt\u0131 bizzat d\u00fczen muhalefetinden de talep edildi\u011fi i\u00e7in, rejimin \u00f6n\u00fcne dikilecek kurumsal bir burjuva zorlamas\u0131 ya da direnci de hi\u00e7bir zaman s\u00f6z konusu olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu k\u00fcreselci uyum ve jeopolitik icazet mekanizmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bug\u00fcn emperyalizmin b\u00f6lge tasar\u0131mlar\u0131yla uyumlu olarak K\u00fcrt akt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn anayasal d\u00fczleme eklemlenmesi ve bu yolla tekelci fa\u015fist rejimin \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc uzatacak yeni bir anayasal d\u00fczenin in\u015fa edilmesi giri\u015fimiyle do\u011frudan \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Anayasal restorasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 par\u00e7alamak ya da demokratikle\u015fmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil; rejimin i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini emperyalist g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc akt\u00f6rleri kapsayarak y\u00f6netmek ve otoriter yap\u0131y\u0131 kurumsal olarak kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in devreye sokulan idari d\u00fczenlemelerdir. Kald\u0131 ki, \u00f6nceki yaz\u0131larda da vurgulam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fum gibi, bizzat emperyalist merkezlerin kendileri de bug\u00fcn ayn\u0131 fa\u015fistle\u015fme dalgas\u0131yla maluld\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Anayasal kurumsal fa\u015fist tahkimat sorunsuz ve gediksiz bir mekanizma olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmemelidir; aksine kendi tarihsel s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131r. \u00dcstyap\u0131daki Hindutva veya benzeri \u015fovenist ill\u00fczyonlar, anayasal manip\u00fclasyonlar ve kurumsal bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131; Hindistan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin nesnel maddi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe, yani sadece (\u00f6zellikle Hindistan’da) tar\u0131m krizinin vurdu\u011fu k\u0131rlara de\u011fil, as\u0131l \u00fcretimin kalbi olan kentlerdeki emek\u00e7i dalgaya, geleceksizli\u011fe itilen gen\u00e7lik hareketlerine ve emekli direni\u015flerine \u00e7arparak t\u0131kanmaktad\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nitekim Hindistan\u2019da gerek sanayi havzalar\u0131n\u0131 fel\u00e7 eden tarihsel genel grevlerin gerekse s\u0131nav yolsuzluklar\u0131na, e\u011fitimdeki ticarile\u015fmeye ve se\u00e7men listelerinden milyonlarca yoksulun silinmesine kar\u015f\u0131 metropolleri sarsan g\u00fcncel kitlesel \u00f6\u011frenci isyanlar\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l faili do\u011frudan kent proletaryas\u0131 ve devrimci gen\u00e7lik \u00f6rg\u00fctleridir. Ayr\u0131ca 2020-2021 d\u00f6neminde Yeni Delhi kap\u0131lar\u0131na dayanan ve sonras\u0131nda da etkisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren dev kitlesel k\u00f6yl\u00fc direni\u015fleri, Modi rejimini ve arkas\u0131ndaki tekelci tar\u0131m yasalar\u0131n\u0131 geri ad\u0131m atmak zorunda b\u0131rakarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin nesnel s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmi\u015ftir. \u00d6zcesi, kendi dinsel \u015fovenist s\u00f6ylemini ya da anayasal taktiklerini her \u015feyin \u00fczerinde g\u00f6ren fa\u015fist \u00fcstyap\u0131, Hindistan k\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n ve kentlerinin bu ampirik ve maddi direnci kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sahada s\u0131nanm\u0131\u015f ve s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye zay\u0131f halkas\u0131nda ise, egemen burjuva restorasyon projesinin birer par\u00e7as\u0131 olan d\u00fczen i\u00e7i muhalefet akt\u00f6rlerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r ekonomik, siyasal ve ideolojik bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 biriken \u00f6fke kendi kurucu kanallar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7maya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nitekim \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019na y\u00f6nelik yarg\u0131 darbesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Sara\u00e7hane meydan\u0131n\u0131 zapt eden o sars\u0131c\u0131 kitle hareketlili\u011fi, burjuva bir fig\u00fcre duyulan sadakatin de\u011fil; fa\u015fist rejimin adaletsizliklerle kitleleri sindirme \u00e7abalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 Gezi\u2019den bu yana biriken kentsel demokratik diren\u00e7 potansiyelinin sokaktaki en \u00e7\u0131plak kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Rejimin bu kurumsal tahakk\u00fcm hamlelerine kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fckselen halk tepkisi; BDDK ve T\u00dc\u0130K verilerinin de tescilledi\u011fi \u00fczere, girdi maliyetleri ile \u00fcretici fiyatlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki asimetrik makas y\u00fcz\u00fcnden m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fen, bor\u00e7lar\u0131 katlanarak b\u00fcy\u00fcyen tar\u0131msal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n maruz kald\u0131klar\u0131 cendere y\u00fcz\u00fcnden onlarla tabanda bulu\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u0131rsaldaki bu yap\u0131sal tar\u0131m krizi; kentlerdeki asgari \u00fccret k\u00f6leli\u011fi, sendikas\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma ku\u015fatmas\u0131, metalden madene uzanan inat\u00e7\u0131 fiili grev dalgalar\u0131 ve emeklilerin tahamm\u00fcl s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oktan a\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumlar\u0131na kitlesel itirazlar\u0131(4) ile tabanda bulu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Nitekim Sara\u00e7hane \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi, kitlelerin biriken bu demokratik tepki potansiyeli d\u00fczen muhalefetinin gaz alma ve uzla\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7abalar\u0131yla her defas\u0131nda s\u00f6n\u00fcmlendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lsa da, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu topyek\u00fbn ekonomik ve siyasal ku\u015fatma, tekelci fa\u015fist rejimin mutlak tahakk\u00fcm iddialar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne a\u015f\u0131lmaz maddi bariyerler dikmeye devam etmektedir<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin topyek\u00fbn taarruzu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc buland\u0131ran ve muhalefeti anayasal masalara ya da rejim ortakl\u0131klar\u0131na hapseden restorasyon projelerinin arkas\u0131na tak\u0131lmak kuyruk\u00e7u bir oport\u00fcnizmden ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 do\u011furmaz. Ancak bu fa\u015fist tahkimat\u0131 geriletmenin yolu, somut \u015fartlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini \u0131skalayan sekter bir sosyalizm \u015fiar\u0131yla soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmak da de\u011fildir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcn tarihsel g\u00f6revi; fa\u015fizmin pervas\u0131zca \u00e7i\u011fnedi\u011fi en temel demokratik haklar\u0131 savunacak, kitlelerin acil hayatta kalma taleplerini ortakla\u015ft\u0131racak en geni\u015f anti-fa\u015fist ve demokratik baraj\u0131 in\u015fa etmektir. \u00c7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal hatt\u0131n\u0131n hegemonik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilen orta katmanlar\u0131n, tar\u0131msal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve nihayet fa\u015fizmin ezdi\u011fi t\u00fcm toplumsal kesimlerin fiili direncini demokratik bir cephede birle\u015ftirmekten ge\u00e7mektedir. Stratejik hedefi unutmaks\u0131z\u0131n, taktiksel olarak en geni\u015f halk kesimlerini bu demokratik baraj\u0131 olu\u015fturacak \u015fekilde ittifaka \u00e7ekmek g\u00fcn\u00fcn en temel devrimci g\u00f6revidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

NOTLAR: <\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

1) Desai, R.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong> (2025). “Fascism Perfected: The Corporate Stage of Hindutva”. R. Varman (Ed.), <\/span><\/span>The Politics of Corporations in ‘New’ India<\/span><\/span><\/em> (ss. 69-101). Cambridge University Press, 2025.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Radhika Desai\u2019nin ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en derleme \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmadaki bu makalesi, Hint tekelci finans kapitalinin (Adani ve Ambani gibi tekellerin) Modi rejimiyle kurdu\u011fu simbiyotik ba\u011f\u0131n devlet destekli ihale, altyap\u0131 imtiyaz\u0131 ve kaynak tahsisatlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden kurumsal d\u00fczeyde fa\u015fizan bir karakter kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ampirik olarak temellendirir. Ayr\u0131ca bkz. <\/span><\/span>Desai, R.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong> (2024). “Peak Hindutva?”. <\/span><\/span>New Left Review<\/span><\/span><\/em>, Say\u0131: 147.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2) Patnaik, P.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong> (2020). “Neoliberalism and Fascism”. <\/span><\/span>Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy<\/span><\/span><\/em>, 9(1), 33-39. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Prabhat Patnaik’in bu makalesi, uluslararas\u0131 finans kapitalin mutlak tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ulusal devletlerin geni\u015flemeci\/refah harcamalar\u0131 yapmas\u0131n\u0131 tamamen engelledi\u011fini, sermaye d\u00fczeninin neoliberal t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kitlelerin ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011funu a\u015fabilmek i\u00e7in neo-fa\u015fist hareketlerin sapt\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 \u015fovenizmine g\u00f6be\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 kalmak zorunda oldu\u011funu kuramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

3) Patnaik, P. & Patnaik, U.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/strong> (2021). <\/span><\/span>Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present<\/span><\/span><\/em>. Monthly Review Press. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Prabhat Patnaik ve Utsa Patnaik\u2019in ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en ortak yap\u0131t\u0131, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f emperyalizm ve fa\u015fizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na y\u00f6n veren iki temel kuramsal tezi i\u00e7ermektedir. Yazarlar ilk olarak; emperyalist metropollerin, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya’n\u0131n tar\u0131msal kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 ve ham maddelerini kendisi i\u00e7in bir “art\u0131k s\u0131zd\u0131rma” nesnesi haline getirmeden ayakta kalamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ampirik olarak sergilerler. \u0130kinci olarak; neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin getirdi\u011fi deflasyonist\/daralt\u0131c\u0131 programlar\u0131n, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya k\u0131rlar\u0131nda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcreticili\u011fi tasfiye ederek devasa bir m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc (ilkel birikim) yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunurlar. Finans kapitalin mutlak tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc ulusal devletlerin geni\u015flemeci refah harcamalar\u0131 yapmas\u0131n\u0131 tamamen yasaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, t\u0131kanan sermaye d\u00fczeni maddi r\u0131za \u00fcretemez hale gelmekte ve kitle taban\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmek ad\u0131na neo-fa\u015fist hareketlerin sapt\u0131r\u0131c\u0131\/b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc \u015fovenizmini (Hindistan somutunda <\/span><\/span>Hindutva<\/span><\/span><\/em>‘y\u0131) bizzat kurumsal ittifaklar \u00fczerinden \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektedir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz otoriter kurumsalla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan neoliberal birikim krizinin i\u00e7sel bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4) <\/span><\/span><\/strong>De\u011ferli tiyatro ve sinema y\u00f6netmeni, oyuncusu <\/span><\/span>Vittorio De Sica\u2019n\u0131n <\/span><\/span>Umberto D.<\/span><\/span><\/em> filmi, aradan ge\u00e7en yetmi\u015f y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcreye ra\u011fmen, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sindeki emeklilerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik ve sosyal \u00e7\u0131kmazlarla sars\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00fcncelli\u011fe sahiptir. Filmde y\u0131llarca devlete hizmet etmi\u015f ya\u015fl\u0131 bir memurun, pansiyon kiras\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6deyemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in evden at\u0131lmas\u0131, evsiz kalarak parklarda yatmak zorunda kalmas\u0131 ve ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n tamamen t\u00fckenmesi; bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye’de y\u00fcksek enflasyon kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda 23.552 TL seviyesindeki taban ayl\u0131kla ortalama kiralar\u0131n \u00e7ok alt\u0131nda kalarak tahliye tehdidi ya\u015fayan milyonlarca emekli s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal bar\u0131nma kriziyle olgusal olarak \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Yap\u0131t\u0131n as\u0131l vuru\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc, sermaye d\u00fczeninin insan onurunu ve toplumsal ba\u011flar\u0131 nas\u0131l tasfiye etti\u011fini g\u00f6steren o keskin sahnelerde sakl\u0131d\u0131r. Umberto\u2019nun dayan\u0131lmaz hale gelen muhta\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden sokakta dilenirken bir tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131nca saatine bak\u0131yormu\u015f gibi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 onur k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sahnesi, ge\u00e7inemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in can yolda\u015f\u0131 k\u00f6pe\u011fini terk etmek istemesi ve nihayetinde bir trenin \u00f6n\u00fcne atlayarak intihar\u0131 denemesi; bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye realitesinde en temel toplumsal ve insani pratikleri elinden al\u0131narak mutlak bir izolasyona itilen emekli n\u00fcfusun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 nesnel \u00e7aresizli\u011fi g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7erken, D<\/span><\/span>e Sica\u2019n\u0131n 1952 tarihli bu yap\u0131t\u0131n\u0131, sinema tarihinin di\u011fer kurucu ba\u015fyap\u0131tlar\u0131ndan <\/span><\/span>Bisiklet H\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131<\/span><\/span><\/em> (1948) ile k\u0131yaslamak, bireyin kapitalist mekanizma i\u00e7indeki s\u0131n\u0131fsal konumunu ve \u00e7aresizli\u011fin niteli\u011fini anlamak\u00a0 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan daha da net sonu\u00e7lar verir. <\/span><\/span>Bisiklet H\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131<\/span><\/span><\/em>, bireyin sistem i\u00e7inde tutunabilmek ad\u0131na bir \u00fcretim arac\u0131na (bisiklete) ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu d\u00fczen i\u00e7i krizdeki \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ele alarak kahramana h\u00e2l\u00e2 sistem i\u00e7inde bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu bulabilece\u011fi yan\u0131lsamas\u0131n\u0131 beslerken; <\/span><\/span>Umberto D.<\/span><\/span><\/em> kapitalizmin (art\u0131k art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretmeyen) emekli n\u00fcfusa kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle tavizsiz olan d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 sergiler. \u0130lkinde s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6fke, bisikleti \u00e7alan di\u011fer bir yoksula b\u00fck\u00fclerek sistemin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkileri perdelenirken; ikincisinde pansiyondan soka\u011fa f\u0131rlat\u0131lan ya\u015fl\u0131 adam\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda do\u011frudan m\u00fclkiyet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve sermaye mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kurumsal ac\u0131mas\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla film, ya\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n fiziksel k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; kapitalizmin, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na f\u0131rlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya\u015fl\u0131 n\u00fcfusa hi\u00e7bir reformist iyile\u015ftirme, sosyal g\u00fcvence veya telafi k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 sunmayan o ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sefille\u015fme mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131, duygu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne, ajitasyona yer b\u0131rakmayan, gayet so\u011fukkanl\u0131 ve mesafeli bir anlat\u0131mla sergilemektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin \u00fcstyap\u0131sal g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri ile onun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fsal maddi temeller aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f koptu\u011funda, kapitalist devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri kavramak da olanaks\u0131z hale gelir. Bug\u00fcn Hindistan\u2019da Narendra Modi ve BJP iktidar\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u015fekillenen rejimi anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken burjuva liberal sosyolojisinin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle … Okumaya devam et →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":9,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8551","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-yazilar"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8551","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/9"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8551"}],"version-history":[{"count":11,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8551\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8562,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8551\/revisions\/8562"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8551"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8551"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.kamilpark.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8551"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}